From: St. Dominic and His Work, by Pierre Mandonnet, O.P.,
Translated by Sister Mary Benedicta Larkin, O.P., B. Herder Book Co., St. Louis/London, 1948.
SAINT DOMINIC AND THE ORDER OF PREACHERS
Christendom in the Early Thirteenth Century
Religious life as an institution rose out of the pursuit of evangelical perfection, and this deep-rooted purpose of religious life was continually maintained in the midst of those societies called religious orders. It was this aim, whatever their apparent diversity, which grounded them in a common principle and constituted their generic unity. This aim was realized primarily by the practice of the three vows of religion, and secondarily by liturgical prayer and monastic observance.
After the fall of the Roman Empire in the West, during the ten centuries that spanned the history of the Middle Ages, the development of Christian society involved weighty problems at each new turn of civilization. In their solution the Church employed the active energies of the religious life, which, as a collective force, could open the way to great general achievements. Whereas the members of the hierarchy of the Church and the secular clergy were engaged in a local and uniform apostolate and represented the static power in the life of the Church, religious institutions exerted a dynamic activity, applicable in the special exigencies which, one after the other, they strove to meet.
In the very heart of the Church and under her authority, the successive emergence of religious orders thus represents a gathering of instrumental energies adaptable to the particular needs of an era. For that reason the great religious institutes bear the mark of the very purpose imposed upon them by the age that gave them birth. The end for which they were established accounts for the nature of their activity as well as for their social organization.
In the order of their appearance, religious societies took shape in groups. The first in each period usually bore the impress of experiments or new ventures. These were followed by the "type" orders, which embraced more adequately the means calculated to effect a solution of the problems of their time. Finally, still others emerged, which copied more or less closely the model of those which had attained stability.
In this evolution of religious life, bound up as it was with the change and progress of European civilization, institutions gradually modified and finally suppressed the secondary elements of early monasticism: the choral life and monastic observance. On the other hand, greater emphasis was placed on an active ministry in the service of Christian society.
Three centuries, or three periods, mark the great stages in the growth of the active religious life. It will simplify the understanding of this change to sketch it briefly. The sixth century witnessed the rise of the classic form of Western monasticism in the establishment of Benedictinism. The thirteenth century marked the advent of the mendicant orders, and the sixteenth the rise of the clerks regular. Institutes of later origin, though different in title, adhered to the forms already realized in religious life.
Established exclusively for the sanctification of its members, Oriental monasticism came into the West in its primitive form. But the fall of Roman civilization and the condition of Europe during the barbarian and feudal centuries called forth its program of manual work and its social organization.
The feudal system, already virtually established in the age of the barbarian kingdoms, and the Franco-Carolingian conquest imposed upon the European world a regime of universal agricultural labor in the economic order, and government by local personal lords in the political order. In the ecclesiastical domain the need most generally evident was for a sound system for spreading the Gospel in countries not yet converted. Monasticism made its contribution,, especially in the sixth century, when the Benedictine Rule, superseding the older rules, perfected the organization of religious houses and created numerous centers of new religious life. To attain its end, the monastic regime followed a form analogous to that of the feudal order, then required by the state of society.
Monasticism did not, at least directly, entertain the idea of the apostolate as an aim, but temporarily and secondarily it found itself engaged in such work. By reason of the level of civilization in Europe, it actually became a powerful agent in stabilizing and developing Christian society. It was neither through the ministry nor through preaching that it exerted its influence, but by the force of example, through the virtue and labor of the monks. The monastic liturgy was itself an eloquent form of preaching, the only one appropriate to the rough and uncultured period of the early Middle Ages.
Monasticism accomplished its mission by adapting itself, in its own way, to the feudal regime. The abbey, like the manor, was a center of agricultural toil; and the monk, whose life was elevated by prayer and the Christian virtues, was nevertheless a serf of the Church, engaged in the cultivation of the soil. "They are true monks," wrote St. Benedict, "if they live by the labor of their hands." The monk, like the serf legally attached to the soil, made a vow of stability in the domain of his abbey. The organization of the monastery was likewise built on the feudal frame. The abbot was, indeed, the father of the monks, but he was also their lord, dominus. He was the sole and sovereign master in his own domain like the lay lord over his lands. Moreover, his powers were unlimited, without control, and they were for life. Lastly, the enormous network of monasteries spread over the lands of Christendom had their counterpart in the distributed estates of the feudal world. Each abbey was isolated and autonomous; it was sufficient to itself and lived its own life.
The great reforms of Cluny and Cîteaux, and those effected in Italy on a smaller scale, held the limelight of religious life in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. By a kind of limited centralization, an attempt was made to remedy the inconvenience of the primitive isolation of the monasteries. The trend toward political concentration which was then shaping the states of Europe had a reflection in monasticism: but the essential purpose of the monastic life remained unchanged. Aimed, first of all, at ensuring what would develop the spiritual life of the monks, the reforms impressed a more intense contemplative stamp on Benedictinism. There is no doubt that, from an ethical point of view, these measures had a profound effect on Christian society by virtue of the example given, and to a still greater degree perhaps through the characters provided from monastic life for the episcopacy and the papacy. But in their concern for their old way of life consecrated by a long past and a vital tradition, the reformers made no provision for the social needs of a new age.
The end of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth saw the dawn of a new order in the life of Europe and of the Church. The center of economic life had been in the large rural estates; this center now shifted toward the towns as they grew or were founded with amazing rapidity. The commune acquired a dominant influence in the economic and political sphere. The bourgeois who, more often than not, was only a merchant or artisan, claimed rights for himself and his property and thus became a new and active agent in social life. By agreement or by force, the commune despoiled the feudal lord of part of his rights and at times succeeded in bringing about his complete eviction; at the same time the great European nationalities were emerging as centralized political entities. The passive and isolated life of the serf receded into the background before the restless working classes of the towns, and it was in the communes that new problems were created for the Church. In general, if we consider the rapid growth of the civil institutions which opened the new era, we see that ecclesiastical institutions were notably behind the times, set as they were in the forms of the feudal period.
The secular churchman lived under a regime of property, absorbed in the affairs of temporal business; this condition made for a materialization of his way of life, a neglect of his ecclesiastical duties, and a weakening of his morality. He was wanting in zeal and learning. The people of the communes, in their frequent struggles over the rights and privileges of the churches against ecclesiastical feudal lords, were caught up in a current of opposition toward the clergy and the hierarchy. According to their own notion of the apostolic ideal, they took the measure of the clergy of their time, and in the course of the twelfth century there arose attempts among the laity to be their own pastors. The heresies of the Cathari and the Waldenses in turn strengthened and aggravated these separatist tendencies. The anti-ecclesiastical theories of the heretics furnished a convenient weapon for the strife against the organization of the Catholic Church. Adherence to heresy took a disturbing and disastrous toll in southern France and in northern Italy, and the bishops were powerless to defend their Churches against this assault.
The only remedy for the situation lay in the formation of an apostolic clergy, zealous, virtuous, and poor. Preaching, and there was none then, would have to be well organized to instruct the Christian people, to lead them back or keep them in the faith, to enter upon the struggle against heresy. Schools of theology, and there were none apart from a few great scholastic centers like Paris, would have to be instituted and multiplied in Christendom for the education of the clergy. A learned clergy would have to be created, to meet the invading rationalist philosophy of Aristotle, Avicenna, and Averroes in its menace to Christian thought, and likewise to promote the progress of the sacred sciences, theology in particular. Lastly, the failure of the Christian armies in the East challenged a recourse to less material crusades in which the spiritual sword of the Gospel message would be substituted for that of the crusaders and the military orders.
THE MENDICANT ORDERS
Out of these needs rose the mendicant orders, especially the two most important, the Friars Preachers and the Friars Minor. Yet their respective positions in relation to the general problems of the Church were markedly dissimilar at the time of their foundation. The first to be established, with great freedom of action in their organization, were the Preachers, who at once adapted themselves adequately to the numerous needs then agitating society; and there they exercised intense activity. Thus they became the typical order; on this model other religious groups of the thirteenth century, to a greater or less degree, shaped their activity and their organization. In fact, the preachers alone had a clerical membership, that is, a personnel educated and ready for the varied ministry required by the needs just surveyed. Without exception, all the other orders of the thirteenth century were composed of lay elements or were formed around simple lay fraternities, which later evolved partially and slowly toward the grades of ecclesiastical life, before taking a notable part in the service of Christian society.
With the Preachers began the intensive contribution of the religious militia in the service of the Church. With them the monastery came up out of the valleys and down from the hills to the heart of the great cities; from the solitude of the country to the bustle of the public square. For the work of the bands, they substituted the strong labor of the mind: preaching and teaching. With them the unlettered monk changed into a religious scholar, no longer a man bound perpetually to his abbey, but a citizen of the Christian universe. In contrast to monastic agricultural wealth, the Preachers set up voluntary poverty and begging. The regime of feudal government gave way in their organization to a regime of election, conferring power of short duration, such as was the practice in communes and universities. They also adopted a system of representative assemblies, such as were then making their appearance in a few countries of Europe. The scattered and isolated position of the monasteries yielded to a close centralization under the direction of a single head. Thus was effected a unity comparable to that built up in the French monarchy, but its limits extended to the very ends of Christendom; later it was to pass beyond these limits for the evangelization of the pagan world.
The evolution of religious life reached its term in the sixteenth century. With the institution of the clerks regular, the choral office and other monastic observances, already modified by the mendicant orders, were dropped. In the customs of their life, the clerks regular conformed to the practices in use by the secular clergy. In this last stage, religious life branched off in two different directions. One trend moderated the older social organization by a suppression of the vows and reduced the form of religious life to the simple principle of the common life; the other trend not only preserved the former social structure, but strengthened it further by a more authoritarian regime, like that then prevailing universally in the constitutions of the European states, a form of government called by historians political absolutism. The plan of Oratorian life exemplifies the first trend; the organization of the Society of Jesus is typical of the second. The purpose of this evolution was to effect a more complete freedom of action for the religious and to impress upon that action a more intensified character. This change was influenced by the conditions of the Christian society of that time, a society that was disabled by the violence of heresy and that required a powerful reaction by the Church. But let us now turn back to the thirteenth century for a closer survey of conditions in the Christian world at that period.
The march of civilization, sometimes advancing and sometimes halting or receding, had, in the course of the centuries, confronted the Church from time to time with new problems in the exercise of her divine mission in human society. As the close of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth, these problems were numerous as well as serious, and demanded an urgent solution. They arose in great part from the acceleration of the economic, political, and intellectual activity of Europe in the midst of the unchanging permanence of ancient ecclesiastical institutions which were products of historical conditions that had partially disappeared or were on the verge of disappearing. The old order of things could suffice no longer; it could neither provide for new needs nor even withstand the dangers which were rapidly growing worse. A thorough readaptation of the forces at the command of the Church was imperatively necessary. Apparently it might even be too late to meet the subversive action. Yet the Roman Pontiffs with anxious concern attentively studied both the new needs of Christendom and the cumulative dangers arising from problems left without a conclusive adjustment. In truth, the Holy See taxed all its ingenuity to meet a critical situation; but the available remedies, scarcely more than transitory palliatives, were of slight efficacy. Indeed, a study of the action of the papacy in these attempts at the restoration or adaptation of the life of the Church in social changes, shows us that the Church was reduced to a kind of impotence when she appealed to certain men of good will or called for new helpers to support her views and her projects. Religious life, with its great institutions, had from the beginning furnished the papacy with a strong arm for the work of conquest and sanctification in the countries of Europe. Once again and more directly Rome would place that religious life at her service in the crisis through which the Church was passing.
The Middle Ages, which it would be more exact and more fitting call Christian Europe, made a slow ascent toward a new civilization after that of the ancient world had fallen with the breakdown of the Roman Empire and the Germanic invasions. The attempts to found barbarian kingdoms, which were later absorbed into the Frankish conquest and finally into the Carolingian empire, were due to the civilizing remnants of the ancient Roman world, struggling to survive through a last unstable and quickly defeated effort at social unification. Feudalism, a rudimentary system, adapted to the first social needs of man, came into possession of the parceled soil of Europe in the late ninth century. Meanwhile that crude age of farm labor advanced little by little toward higher forms of social life. The increase of population and the accumulation of the labor of generations resulted in an intensification of the riches of the soil and of the products of domestic animals. Local overproduction stimulated commerce and industry. Intelligent and courageous serfs by their initiative in remunerative enterprises liberated themselves from the necessity of living on the soil and became merchants and artisans. The nature of their activity tended to bring them together and to establish them in urban centers, which sprang up or took shape round their settlements. The first wealth of Europe grow out of commerce and the trades; the merchants, or the international bankers, became the creditors of secular and ecclesiastical princes. This economic advance, which increased the conveniences of life and developed a general taste for luxury, also nurtured the higher activities of civilization: political life, the sciences, and the arts. About the middle of the thirteenth century, Florence, a mercantile city of precocious genius, struck the first gold coins, the florin, the standard of exchange value and the symbol of universal prosperity.
Grouped and federated from the beginning by the community of their interests and the nature of their enterprises, business men and traders united for the protection of their person and their property against the local feudal authority. By agreement or by compulsion, sometimes after long struggle they obtained real concordats, if not full independence. With the help of charters of liberty or letters of franchise, the new class of bourgeois, or citizens of the commune, was henceforth constituted; but the united front for the gaining of municipal rights quickly gave place to rival factions within the life of the city. Struggles ensued among them even to the overthrow of an opposing party, whose leaders were banished and their goods confiscated. The commune often found internal peace only to usurp power over one or other of the neighboring and rival communes; and this war was carried on by these men in pursuit of gain with a violence and a ferocity that had no match in feudal barbarity.
Meanwhile, as the movement for communal independence ran on, lines began to be drawn in various parts of Europe marking, the first national formations that would give birth to the great states of modern times. Greater feudal powers absorbed the lesser ones by conquest, marriages, inheritance, and donations. Princes, animated by the same ambitions as the bourgeois of the communes, began rival wars that often tended to upset the peace of Christendom and to crush subject peoples. Among the national ambitions then kindling, there would be no fire to equal that which burned in one already ancient, that of the Holy Roman Empire. With Frederick II it would burst out again in its claims to the restoration of the rights and spirit of the pagan imperial power.
The dangers threatening the Church from the princes still appeared slight or remote in the first years of the thirteenth century. Quite otherwise, however, was the attitude stirring among the Christian common people in the town, the center of the social activity of the time. Even at the close of the preceding century there appeared a movement of deep and sometimes of general antagonism toward the ecclesiastical hierarchy, particularly toward the lower clergy, who were in immediate contact with the people in the towns.
The causes of this disaffection were numerous. In their struggle for emancipation, the communes had frequently engaged in conflict With the religious authority. When the bishops and abbots were also temporal lords, it was directly against them that, often by force, the commune had to struggle in its aspiration for independence. In this conflict it despoiled them of part of their rights. Under other conditions the commune, in its internal organization and the management of its affairs, frequently trespassed on the rights of churches and religious groups. Thus arose quarrels and incessant strife. And there developed deep-seated animosities, which passed from the temporal sphere into the spiritual and were manifested in criticism, abuse, and open contempt of the clergy.
Still, the chief source of the ill feeling between the urban population and the ecclesiastical authorities was deeper than a mere conflict of interests. The bourgeois and the common people of the towns represented a wide-awake class, very different from the inert and passive rural population of the preceding age. Their shrewd energy in business, the dealings of shopkeepers and workmen, and the daily ebb and flow of town life, made the urban population a flexible body, inquiring and talkative. At heart, however, it remained deeply religious and in certain places very pietistic. Apart from his interest in personal or collective business, the ordinary man, at that time illiterate, occupied his alert mind only with things that concerned religion. Society had long been Christian, and profane amusements were not yet numerous. On the other hand, material progress and the increased conveniences of life, along with the ceaseless friction in business and the trades, had notably quickened minds and souls. On all sides there arose a cry for religious light and spiritual consolations. The clergy, who should have provided for this need, permitted the initiative of heretical sects to anticipate or supplant their own service in important centers of Christendom. In many localities the heterodox propaganda debarred the official clergy from their traditional positions.
At the beginning of the thirteenth century two great sects shared in the diffusion of heresy. Descendants of the ancient Manichaeans, coming from the East, after a long stand in the Balkans, penetrated northern Italy and southern France: Lombardy and Languedoc were the provinces of their choice. For more than a century they had been propagating their teaching under the name of Cathari and Albigenses, with the result that they exercised a dominating influence in many places. Far removed from Christian thought by their belief in a double principle in the origin of things, the Neo-Manichaeans had a clergy, comprising a class called the "perfect," whose life appeared to be one of extreme rigor, real or affected. For them, all that pertained to matter and the physical life (eating of meat, marriage, and procreation) was the work of the evil principle.
The Waldenses, founded at Lyons about the last quarter of the twelfth century, owed their origin to an impulse of lay piety, but within the Church and on the basis of orthodoxy. Aspiring to lead the apostolic life, the "perfect" Waldenses met refusal from the Catholic clergy when they offered their services as self-appointed apostles. They cut themselves off in schism and tried to organize a counterpart of the Catholic Church, which they regarded as having failed in her mission and as having forfeited her rights. The Cathari departed far from Catholic doctrines and practices; the Waldenses held close to these and were therefore the more dangerous. But it was easier to effect the reconciliation of the Waldenses and their return.
At times, when the two sects met, they clashed through their rival teachings; but often, even without previous intent, they made a concerted attack upon the Church. A ruthless criticism of the clergy, their morals, their wealth, and their ignorance, was the regular theme in the preaching of the "perfect" in both sects, and they contrasted the austerity and detachment of their own life in imitation of the apostles with the lax conduct of the Catholic clergy, who were weighed down and obliged to be concerned with material interests by the temporal administration of the property with which the feudal regime had endowed the churches.(1)
Devout people listened gladly to these new apostles, who were ever ready to instruct their hearers and to denounce the corruption of that mighty Babylon, the Roman Church. Magistrates of towns and certain great lords, who had little religion and coveted the possessions of the Church, secretly or even openly favored a propaganda which would support and gratify their greed by proclaiming that the true Church should possess nothing.
In southern France some ecclesiastical provinces embraced the heresy or wavered between the truth and heresy. In the first years of the thirteenth century the evil seemed desperate.
In the face of this lamentable condition, what were the clergy doing? Little or nothing.(2) The bishops, who by their office were responsible for the defense of the faith, the reform of morals, and the religious instruction of priests and people, were engrossed in business affairs; they lacked adequate knowledge of theology and ordinarily were well acquainted only with canons and laws. Many of the bishops were inert and unconcerned with conditions. In southern France, some of them courted or were suspected of courting heresy. Innocent III had to depose several of them.
The clergy, who lacked zeal and solid instruction, pursued a worldly life; many a parish was without its lawful pastor, who hired a vicar to perform his duties. The hunt for benefices was the curse of the time, and often Church offices were conferred on children who had ecclesiastical or secular dignitaries as their patrons. This condition was not universal. Here and there might be found zealous prelates and edifying pastors. Some even shone with the radiance of holiness in the firmament of the Church. Unfortunately they were rare stars in a dark night.
Preaching, the only means of instruction for a Christian people still unlettered, was rare. For the most part, the clergy limited the instruction of the people to the recitation of The Apostles' Creed and the Our Father on Sundays, with occasional short commentaries. At the close of the twelfth century there appeared the strange phenomenon of preaching leased in certain dioceses to lay associations, often unorthodox. The Third Council of the Lateran had forbidden this practice. Innocent III recalled this canon and, in his letter (May 27, 1204) to his legates in Languedoc, urged its application in the case of the Archbishop of Narbonne. Such abuses testify to the desire for religious instruction, and to the usual inability of the clergy to provide that for which the people hungered.
In the midst of this general indifference, the papacy alone was fully conscious of its mission and obligations. It tried, according to the means at its disposal, to ameliorate the condition of Christian society and to ward off the more pressing dangers. Ever since the end of the twelfth century, it had sought to exert influence through councils, individual warnings to bishops, and the action of chosen men of good will. It resorted to the sending of legates and appealed to the cooperation of the civil power. Particularly with the monks of Cîteaux, the strongest religious group of the time, it tried to direct monastic life to a service for which it was neither instituted nor prepared. It even went so far as to use the converted Waldenses, whom it established in religious orders, as propagators and defenders of the Catholic faith.
The Roman Church was openly alert to the needs that troubled Christian society. It would have to give the world the spectacle of a virtuous and zealous clergy, detached from the goods of this life and conformed to the evangelical ideal. It would have to provide instruction by preaching, the only means of reaching an illiterate people, especially in the large urban centers where they were tossed by the fever of emancipation from the Church. Step by step, to contest the ground won by heresy, it would have to adopt the propaganda methods of heresy. It was imperative, if possible, to strike at the root of the evil, by providing for the clergy schools of sacred science, scarcely any of which existed except at Paris, where for a century the study of the liberal arts and of theology had centered, as canon and civil law had flourished in Bologna. What would have to be developed in Paris was an intellectual life, strong in the faith, leaders to cultivate the morals of the students and assume the direction of philosophy and theology, threatened as these were by the introduction of pagan thought and science into the schools and into Christian teaching.
In the last quarter of the twelfth century, the papacy tried to effect at least a partial realization of this program, but in an intermittent and haphazard way. Lack of continuity and a scattering of forces made the results almost inappreciable. This was the state of affairs in 1198 when Innocent III, a genius, ascended the papal throne. From the beginning of his pontificate he was given remarkable support in his undertakings by his nephew, Cardinal Ugolino Conti. Later on Cardinal Conti, as Gregory IX (1227-41), would continue with even greater intensity the religious policy which he had proposed and carried out during his uncle's pontificate and that of Honorius III (1216-27).
APPEAL TO CÎTEAUX
No sooner had Innocent III assumed the government of the Church than be took steps to solve the grave problems besetting Christendom. To him no question was more urgent than that created by heresy in southern France. Whenever it was a question of heresy, the views of the Pope were clear and firm. Convinced that the clergy were not without responsibility for the causes which engendered heresy, Innocent III, at the opening of his pontificate, addressed an earnest appeal to the erring, and paternally implored the heretics to return to the fold of the Church. He made the way easy for them, and with the newly converted he even tolerated customs that were a little suspect but that in no way affected doctrine. A large group of Lombard Waldenses responded to the papal appeal, and with them the Pope established the Order of the Humiliati (1201) to which, in spite of preventive measures taken by the bishops, he entrusted the service and defense of the faith.
To win Languedoc, where the danger seemed especially grave, the Pope dispatched his agents and urged the bishops and the princes to give them their support. Toward the close of the year 1203, two Cistercian monks, Peter of Castelnau and Raoul of the Abbey of Fontfroide, were appointed legates for the protection of Catholic interests in Languedoc; but they at once encountered indifference or ill will on the part of the bishops and the lay lords. Convinced beforehand that the work of his legates would not be enough, Innocent III at the same time thought of organizing a mission composed of a body of preachers for work in the midst of the people tainted with heresy. For the practical execution of this plan, he thought it necessary to recruit members of the Order of Cîteaux, from which he had already chosen his two envoys. On January 29, 1204,(3) he wrote to the Abbot General, Arnold Amaury, asking him to find in his Order religious who could preach and to send them to the legates when the latter would be ready for them. Since preaching was foreign to the work of the Cistercian Order and since St. Bernard had expressly forbidden it, the carrying out of the Pope's project would be difficult. He soon determined to associate the Abbot of Cîteaux with the other legates and put him at the head of the whole undertaking. Thus, in a way, the whole Cistercian Order was morally engaged for the mission in the person of its head. The Pope, in his letter appointing Arnold Amaurv (May 31, 1204) (4)4 presented a distressing picture of the ravages of heresy and the inertia of prelates. He then paid a beautiful tribute to the Cistercian Order, saying that in it there might be found many zealous men, powerful in word and work, full of faith and charity, who would be ready to give their lives if the needs of the Church required it. Addressing the first two legates, Innocent III praised them, remarking that their labor had not been in vain, and finally he placed Arnold Amaury at the head of the legation. The duties of the Abbot of Cîteaux as head of a religious order would allow but little time for concentrated action in another field. The condition of the undertaking was such that at the end of the year Peter of Castelnau was thoroughly discouraged and asked the indulgence of Innocent III, requesting that he be permitted to return to his abbey.(5)
Just when the legate's discouragement had created a stir in papal circles and had probably saddened the undaunted spirit of the great Pontiff, divine Providence brought to the Curia two noble Castilian souls whose presence and power would change the whole course of events.
1 See infra, chap. 23.
2 For details, see infra, chaps. 16 and 17.
3 Potthast, Regesta, no. 2103; PL, CCXV, 273; Villemagne, Bullaire du Bienheureux Pierre de Caste1nau, pp. 49 ff.
4 Potthast, no. 2229; PL, CCXV, 358; Villemagne, pp. 52 ff.
5 For the Pope's reply, see Potthast, no. 2,391; PL, CCXV, 525; Villemagne, p. 64 (January 29, 1205).