1 The term "legend" comes from the Latin "legend" (literally "things to be read"). In its original meaning, "legend" means an account written for public reading. These "legends" of St. Dominic were all written for public reading, either during the liturgy or in the refectory.

2 The question arises as to why Diego, who had been commanded by Innocent III to return to the see of Osma, did not hesitate to help the Cistercians in Southern France. The answer seems to be that the Pope did not order Diego to return to his see immediately, but only emphasized the fact that Diego's principal care concerned the diocese of Osma. Knowing that matters were going on in good order in his own see, then, Diego did not hesitate to stop at Citeaux, where he received the Cistercian habit without actually taking the vows of the Cistercians. Learning about the difficulties which the Cistercians were experiencing in their delegated work of preaching against the Albigensians, he indicated to them an efficacious manner for approaching the problem; and, since the monks asked for a leader to show them how this could be done, Diego offered himself as an example. That Diego recognized his prime responsibility lay in the care of his diocese is evidenced by the fact that he returned to Osma when he deemed it necessary, namely, after about a year and a half of preaching in Southern France (Cf. Vicaire, Histoire de Saint Dominique, Vol. I, pp. 135-140, especially p. 136, n. 94). Diego and Dominic arrived in Albigensian territory in late spring or early summer, 1206. Diego returned to Spain late in 1207, dying on December 20, 1207 (Cf. ibid., p. 173, n.1; pp. 273-74).

3 According to Father Vicaire, this was the Lent of the year 1213, the bishop being Gui des Vaux-de-Cernai, named to the see of Carcassone the previous year. King Peter of Aragon was killed in the battle of Muret September 12, 1213 (Cf. Vicaire, Saint Dominique de Caleruega, p. 56, n. 14).

4 Basing his opinion upon the list of Dominican property in the pertinent bull of onfirmation Father Vicaire thinks that Jordan confused the fortress of Casseneuil with the estate at Caussanel (or villa de Cassenolio as mentioned in the cited list), in the Canton of Valderies, near Albi (Cf. Vicaire, ibid., p. 57, n. 15).

5 According to Father Vicaire, the church at Toulouse is the Church of St. Romain, the church at Pamiers is the Church of the Trinity of Loubens (Cf. Vicaire, ibid., p. 61, n. 26). There is some dispute as to whether the third-mentioned church is, in fact, the Church of St. Mary of Lescure.

6 Since Raymond was converted in the year 1236, the event here recorded occurred in the year 1216 (Cf. Altaner, Der hl. Dominikus, p. 67).

7 Because the term uterinus commonly refers to children born of the same mother, but not of the same father, and because Jordan of Saxony usually uses his terms most accurately, Father Vicaire is of the opinion that, after Felix died, Joan married a second time, and had Mannes of her second husband. Thus Dominic and Mannes would be only half-brothers (Cf. M. H. Vicaire, Saint Dominique de Caleruega, p. 67, n. 32; Histoire de Saint Dominique, Vol. 1, pp. 55-56). These reasons appear too tenuous to us for departing from the traditional belief that the two were full brothers especially since Du Cange cites at least one instance where uterinus is used in reference to children born of the same father and mother (Cf. Du Cange [Charles du Fresnel, Glossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et infimae Latinitatis. Paris: Osmont. 1736. Vol. VI, col. 1742: "uterinus").

8 At that time William was a curate in the Roman Curia. Since he was a Carthusian, he made only a spiritual entry into the Dominican Order. He became the bishop of Modena in 1222 (Cf. Vicaire, Saint Dominique de Caleruega, p. 74, n. 37).

9 Cf. J. G. Th. Graesse, Orbis Latinus. Berlin: Richard Carl Schmidt and Co., 1922, p. 306.

10 Now a pantry used by the sisters who live there (C. 35).

11 Translated by William A. Hinnebusch, O. P. The Latin text of this letter can be found in Balme-Colomb, Cartulaire, Vol. III, pp. 79-80. This translation first appeared in The Torch, Oct., 1962.

12 This letter was written about the year 1208. The Latin text can be found in Balme and Lelaidier, Cartulaire, Vol. I, pp. 186-88. As Father Vicaire explains (Histoire de Saint Dominique, Vol. I, p. 317), the harshness of the penances which St. Dominic imposes in this letter is due, not only to the common practice of the Church in keeping with the clarity with which men of that epoch examined moral matters, but also to the fact that Pons Roger had been one of the "perfect" Cathares. Now, these men practiced the fasts, abstinence, continency, and prayer-hours mentioned in the letter. To prescribe a less rigorous penance for Pons Roger, then, would have been no penance at all. Moreover, it would have suggested that he could lead a less aseetical life in the true Church. Because of St. Dominic's care in establishing Pons Rogers, new religious regime, the latter could live as a truly religious person and preserve the fervor which inclined him to similar practices in the sect of the Cathares; but now the fervor would be perfected by charity.

13 This letter was written late in 1214. The Latin text may be found in Balme and Lelaidier, op. cit., p. 484.

14 This list was reconstructed by M. H. Vicaire, O. P., S. Dominique de Caleruega, p. 197.

15 The Latin text of the Canonization Process of Bologna can be found in MOPH XV1. This Process has been translated by Rev. Ceslaus M. Hoinacki, O. P., except for the testimony of Bonaventure of Verona, which has been put into English by the Very Reverend Thomas R. Gallagher, O. P. Father Gallagher's translation first appeared in Dominicana, March, 1940.

16 Taurisano, I., O. P. Fontes Selecti Vitae S. Dominici de Guzman (Rome), n. 9, n. (d).

17 Analecta Ordinis Praedicatorum, IV, (Rome, 1899-1900), p. 164.

18 Cardinal Ugolino Conti became Pope Gregory IX and, on July 13, 1234, solemnly canonized St. Dominic.

19 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, March, 1957. William first met St. Dominic in 1217, as he relates in his deposition. He received the habit from the founder at Paris two years later. In 1235 (there is some dispute as to the exact year), he was sent to the Near East by Gregory IX to work among the Saracens. He died in that region.

20 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, March, 1957. Amizio was received into the Order by Dominic when the latter stopped at Milan in 1219. He was a skillful lawyer and a notary of the Sacred Palace. Dominic chose him as a traveling companion, and he later served as prior at Milan and Padua.

21 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, March 1957. It is not certain whether Bonvisus, a doctor in law, received the habit of the Order from Reginald or from Dominic. He entered the Order at Bologna in 1219 and was the first one sent by Dominic to Piacenza in 1220. A man of great virtue, he preached and founded a monastery there.

22 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, June, 1957. Also called John of Navarre, he entered the Order on August 28, 1215. He was one of the early brethren who helped St. Dominic choose the Rule of St. Augustine in 1216. He is the only one of the nine Bolognese witnesses who tells nothing of the transference of St. Dominic's body in May, 1233. Therefore, he must have arrived in Bologna only a short time before the witnesses were heard by the papal board of Commissioners in August. He was probably an inquisitor in Southern France about 1236.

23 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, June, 1957. Under the magnetic influence of Blessed Reginald, Ralph (Rudolph, or Raoul) entered the Order in the spring of 1219. In choosing the poverty of the Dominicans, he resigned his benefice as a parish priest. A doctor of canon law, he was originally from Faenza. He died in 1259.

24 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, Sept., 1957. Although a Spaniard, Brother Stephen probably saw Dominic for the first time in Rome during the summer of 1218. In 1219 he met Dominic in Bologna and entered the Order in the unique manner described in his deposition. He succeeded Brother Bonaventure as provincial of the Lombardy province in 1234, and held this position until 1238. In that year, the general chapter sent him and another delegate to Rome to persuade Raymond of Penafort to accept the post of Master General of the Order. Stephen was later made Archbishop of Oristano in Sardinia.

25 This translation first appeared in Dominicana, Sept., 1957. Brothers Paul and Frugerio (whose testimony follows Paul's) entered the Order at Bologna during Lent of 1219. The brethren were then living in a poor and small monastery at the church of St. Mary of Mascarella. Brother Reginald was the superior who received them there. Brother Paul's testimony adds nothing substantially new to what the previous witnesses have already stated and Brother Frugeriols deposition is rather brief. Both men, however, include personal touches which heighten the interest of their accounts.

26 Translated by Rev. R. F. Larcher, O. P.

27 The Latin original of the Nine Ways is found In Analecta S. Ordinis FF. Praedicatorum, (July 1922), 93-106. The translation presented here, as well as the accompanying drawings, first appeared in Reality, Summer, 1956.

28 "Non sum dignus videre altitudinem celi pre multitudine iniquitatis meae, quoniam irritavi iram tuam, et malum coram te feci." These words are from the ancient historia entitled Deus omnium which, in the Dominican rite, was used for the responsories of Matins from the Second Sunday after the Octave of Trinity until August 1st (Breviarium S. Ordinis Praedicatorum, II ed. Suarez. Rome: Marietti, 1947, 348). The phrases are derived, substantially, from the apocryphal Prayer of Manasses.

29 The Codex Rossianus has "prayed" (oravit) instead of the Vulgate "pacified" (placavit).

30 Introduction to Lives of the Brethren of the Order of Preachers trans. Placid Conway, O. P. New York: Benziger Brothers, 1924, p. viii.

31 Cf. Walz., Cecilia: Miracula, Introduction, pp. 297-300.

32 Cf. d' Amato. G. G. Palmlerie, etc. Le Reliquie di S. Domenico, storia e leggenda, richerche scientifiche, ricostruzione fisica. Bologna: a cura dell'ordine Domenicano, e sotto gli auspicii della Pontificia Accademia delle Scienze, 1946, pp. 242-302, esp. 251-52.

33 According to Father Vicaire, this text "is incorrect and hard to understand. The stream near the Via Nomentana is the Aniena. The bridge is either the Pons Nomentanus or the Salario Bridge, near which there was a section called the 'Quarter of the Salario Bridge.' Both of these bridges were joined in the thirteenth century. Now, since one could use two conjoined bridges, why was it necessary to cross the water?" (M. H. Vicaire, O. P., Saint Dominique de Caleruega, 290, n. 4.). Possibly the bridges were built so close to the water that they were easily flooded.

34 Translated by the Rev. Adrian M. Wade, O. P. from the Libellus Precum, S. O. P. This translation first appeared in Dominicana, March, 1955.

35 These bulls of approbation may be found in Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica, Vol. XV.

36 The so-called bull Nos Attendentes (Laurent, no. 75), containing the phrase so dear to many Dominicans "champions of the faith and true lights of the world," is spurious. It was fabricated by Galvanus della Fiamma, Dominican chronicler, during the first half of the fourteenth century (Cf. M. H. Vicaire, O. P., "La bulle de confirmation des Prêcheurs," Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, XLVII [19521, 176-92).

37 A more fully developed letter of recommendation, February 4, 1221, "Since He Who Receives a Prophet," makes reference, in addition, to the Order's apostolic poverty (Cf. Laurent, pp. 149-50).

38 For verification of these statements and what follows, see P. Mandonnet, O. P. Saint Dominique l'idée, l'homme et l'oeuvre, augmenté de notes et d'études critiques par M. H. Vicaire (Paris, 1938), 11, 211-30, 273-92, where Father Vicaire edited the primitive text of the second part as established by his researches (pp. 284-92). He made his conclusion more precise in Saint Dominique de Caleruega, pp. 113-21, and in Histoire de Saint Dominique, II, 222 n. 69, 302 n. 7, 307 n. 16, 315 n. 57, 316 n. 59; cf. pp. 214-27.

39 As Father Kaeppeli notes, this fuller account promised by Jordan does not seem to be the one he added to the Libellus subsequent to St. Dominic's canonization (Cf. Archivum fratrum Praedicatorum, XXII, 183, n. 10).

40 In the text as given here the insertions from the General Chapter of 1236 are set off by asterisks.