LESSON 32
ISLAM IN THE INDEPENDENT PERIODThroughout West Africa the independent period has seen a tension between traditional Islam, particularly in the form of Sûfic brotherhoods, and a reformist Islam of Arabian or Iranian inspiration. Apart from these opposing groups, and sometimes manipulating them is the phenomenon of state Islam, whereby Muslim rulers control and use Islam to serve their own interests using pragmatic guidelines that have little to do with Islam.
In northern Nigeria state Islam goes back to the colonial period when, along with the system of indirect rule through emirs and chiefs, the British instituted regional and provincial governments parallel and superior to that of the "native authority". In the end the emirs were to lose all authority but the appearances. In the first twenty years of independence, the emirs were deprived of control of the police, courts, prisons and taxes, and were left with only ceremonial functions. Real power passed to an amorphous conglomeration of business, political and tribal interests, sometimes competing with one another and sometimes in coalition. Some power holders are high-profile holders of political office; others operate behind the scenes. All of these are motivated by getting their share of the national cake. They are secularists at heart, and use Islam only as a veneer. The Jama`atu Nasril Islam and the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs are vehicles of state Islam.
The latter days of the First Republic (1960-1964) were marked by a vigorous Islamisation campaign carried out by the Premier of the North, Ahmadu Bello, an extraordinary character who straddled the interests of the Sûfî brotherhoods, the reformists and state Islam. Religious tension was an overtone of the riots and civil war of the first military period, as was confirmed by the takeover of religious schools and hospitals after the war.
The pragmatic politicians of the Second Republic generally (1979-83) tried to quell any outward religious controversy or polarization. They feared even worse intra-Muslim dissension, such as between the Sûfic brotherhoods, the Izala and the Maitatsine movements. On the other hand, these politicians catered to reformists's demands for the establishment of Sharî`a and Muslim ascendency by many measures, such as banning of alcohol from Sokoto, President Shagari's announcement of the establishment of a presidential advisory board on Islamic affairs, and the appeal to Muslims in Sokoto and Oyo states to vote for N.P.N.
The military, who took over on 1 January 1984, continued to bend towards Muslim interests. Ibrahim Babangida (25 August 1985 - 1993) brought more strain by secretly carrying the nation into the O.I.C. There were several serious religious riots in the North between 1987 and 1992. Babangida's cancellation of the 12 June 1993 presidential election might have plunged the country into a bitter religious war, but for the fact that the elected candidate was a Muslim. There was much northern Muslim complaining of marginalization when Obasanjo came in in 1999.
Muslim rulers generally go out of their way to show that what they do is Islamic, but few are impressed. In this situation Islamic jamâ`as of every tendency flourish, expressing, channelling or exploiting the real religious feelings of the people. The first of these are the Sûfî brotherhoods. In spite of opposition from purist, Wahhâbî movements, they have strong roots in African tradition and do not seem about to disappear. They not only serve to welcome and integrate Muslim migrants to cities far from their homes, but also minister to the spiritual condition of the people as they are, offering amulets and other religious remedies against evil spirits, enemies, sickness, and obstacles to success in life. There are even Muslim preachers who imitate Christian revival services, with dancing, singing, testimonies and advertisements that people should come and get their miracle.
Frustrated Muslims of the poorer class turned to the Maitatsine movement, which was influential in the 1960s and 1970s until its brutal suppression in the early 1980s. Founded by Muhammad of Marwa, Cameroon, it took root in Kano, appealing to the unemployed, but also, because of Maitatsine's reputation for spiritual power, attracted secret support from some influential people. Combining an old Mahdist tradition with Khârijite-like fanaticism, it broke into frenzic riots in Kano in December 1980, Maiduguri in October 1982 and Yola in February 1984. In the inquiries over the riots, however, it is significant that no representative of the sect was ever interviewed to speak their own point of view.
The principal reformist opponent to the Sûfî brotherhoods is the Izala, founded by the late Abubakar Gummi. This movement has gained many adherents, especially among youth who have nothing to lose. There have been many violent episodes between Izala members and other Muslims throughout northern Nigeria for many years. Lately this violence has been directed against Christians as well. A similar group is the Nigerian Muslim Brothers, sometimes called Shî`ites because of their Iranian support.
The Muslim Students Society was founded in Lagos in 1954. It grew into a national organization and is affiliated with the World Assembly of Muslim Youth which was founded in 1972 under the auspices of the OIC. The movement has become radicalized and rejects the Nigerian Constitution and anything secular. It is frequently implicated in agitation and riots.
In West African countries outside Nigeria Muslim-Christian relations have remained cordial during the independent period. People from these countries are shocked at what they hear about Nigeria and hope such inter-religious problems will not be introduced into their countries.
QUESTIONS
- Outline the main opposing tendencies within Islam in the independent period.
- Describe how state Islam has been operative in independent Nigeria.
- Describe the role of Sûfic brotherhoods in independent Nigeria.
- Describe the role of reformist societies in independent Nigeria.
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